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« on: November 28, 2004, 01:44:08 PM »

By  Saul Landau
On November 12, as US jets bombed Fallujah  for the ninth straight day, a Redwood City California jury found  Scott Peterson guilty of murdering his wife and unborn child.  That macabre theme captured the headlines and dominated conversation  throughout workplaces and homes.

Indeed, Peterson "news"  all but drowned out the US military's claim that successful bombing  and shelling of a city of 300 thousand residents had struck only sites where "insurgents," had holed up. On November 15, the BBC embedded newsman with a marine detachment claimed  that the unofficial death toll estimate had risen to well over  2000, many of them civilians.

As Iraqi eye witnesses told  BBC reporters he had seen bombs hitting residential targets,  Americans exchanged viewpoints and kinky jokes about Peterson.  One photographer captured a Fallujah man holding his dead son,  one of two kids he lost to US bombers. He could not get medical  help to stop the bleeding.

A November 14 Reuters reporter  wrote that residents told him that "US bombardments hit  a clinic inside the Sunni Muslim city, killing doctors, nurses  and patients." The US military denied the reports. Such stories did not make headlines. Civilian casualties in aggressive  US wars don't sell media space.

But editors love shots of anguished  GI Joes. The November 12 Los Angeles Times ran a front page shot  of a soldier with mud smeared face and cigarette dangling from  his lips. This image captured the "suffering" of Fallujah.  The GI complained he was out of "smokes."

The young man doing his "duty  to free Fallujah," stands in stark contrast to the nightmare  of Fallujah. "Smoke is everywhere," an Iraqi told the  BBC (Nov 11). "The house some doors from mine was hit during the bombardment on Wednesday night. A 13-year-old boy was killed.  His name was Ghazi. A row of palm trees used to run along the  street outside my house--now only the trunks are left There are  more and more dead bodies on the streets and the stench is unbearable."

An eye witness told Reuters  (November 12) that "a 9-year-old boy was hit in the stomach  by a piece of shrapnel. His parents said they couldn't get him  to hospital because of the fighting, so they wrapped sheets around  his stomach to try to stem the bleeding. He died hours later  of blood loss and was buried in the garden."

US media's embedded reporters  ­ presstitutes?-- accepted uncritically the Pentagon's spin  that many thousands of Iraqi "insurgents," including  the demonized outsiders led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who  had joined the anti-US jihad, had dug in to defend their vital  base. After the armored and air assault began and the ground  troops advanced, reports filtered out that the marines and the  new Iraqi army that trailed behind them had faced only light  resistance. Uprisings broke out in Mosul and other cities. For  the combatants, however, Falluja was Hell.

Hell for what? Retired Marine  Corps general Bernard Trainor declared that: militarily "Fallujah  is not going to be much of a plus at all." He admitted that  "we've knocked the hell out of this city, and the only insurgents  we really got were the nut-cases and zealots, the smart ones  left behind- the guys who really want to die for Allah."  While Pentagon spin doctors boasted of a US "victory, Trainor  pointed out that the "terrorists remain at large."

The media accepts axiomatically  that US troops wear the "white hats" in this conflict.  They do not address the obvious: Washington illegally invaded  and occupied Iraq and "re-conquered" Fallujah -- for  no serious military purpose. Logically, the media should call  Iraqi "militants" patriots who resisted illegal occupation.  Instead, the press implied that the "insurgents" even  fought dirty, using improvised explosive devices and booby traps  to kill our innocent soldiers, who use clean weapons like F16s,  helicopter gun ships, tanks and artillery.

Why, Washington even promised  to rebuild the city that its military just destroyed. Bush committed  the taxpayers to debts worth hundreds of millions of dollars,  which Bechtel, Halliburton and the other corporate beneficiaries  of war will use for "rebuilding."

Banality and corruption arise  from the epic evil of this war, one that has involved massive  civilian death and the destruction of ancient cities.

In 1935, Nazi General Erich  Luderndorff argued in his "The Total War" that modern  war encompasses all of society; thus, the military should spare  no one. The Fascist Italian General Giulio Douhet echoed this theme. By targeting civilians, he said, an army could advance  more rapidly. "Air-delivered terror" effectively removes  civilian obstacles.

That doctrine became practice  in late April 1937. Nazi pilots dropped their deadly bombs on  Guernica, the ancient Basque capital ­ like what US pilots  recently did to Falluja. A year earlier, in 1936, the Spanish Civil War erupted. General Francisco Franco, supported by fascist  governments in Italy and Germany, led an armed uprising against  the Republic. The residents of Guernica resisted. Franco asked  his Nazi partners to punish these stubborn people who had withstood  his army's assault.

The people of Guernica had  no anti-aircraft guns, much less fighter planes to defend their  city. The Nazi pilots knew that at 4:30 in the afternoon of market  day, the city's center would be jammed with shoppers from all  around the areas.

Before flying on their "heroic  mission," the German pilots had drunk a toast with their  Spanish counterparts in a language that both could understand:  "Viva la muerte," they shouted as their raised their  copas de vino. The bombing of Guernica introduced a concept in  which the military would make no distinction between civilians  and combatants. Death to all!

Almost 1700 people died that  day and some 900 lay wounded. Franco denied that the raid ever  took place and blamed the destruction of Guernica on those who defended it, much as the US military intimates that the "insurgents'  forced the savage attack by daring to defend their city and then  hide inside their mosques. Did the public in 1937 face the equivalent  of the Peterson case that commanded their attention?

Where is the new Picasso who  will offer a dramatic painting to help the 21st Century public  understand that what the US Air Force just did to the people  of Fallujah resembles what the Nazis did to Guernica?

In Germany and Italy in 1937,  the media focused on the vicissitudes suffered by those pilots  who were sacrificing for the ideals of their country by combating a "threat." The US media prattles about the difficulties  encountered by the US marines. It never calls them bullies who  occupy another people's country, subduing patriots with superior  technology to kill civilians and destroy their homes and mosques. On November 15, an embedded NBC cameraman filmed a US soldier  murdering a wounded Iraqi prisoner in cold blood. As CNN showed  the tape, its reporter offered "extenuating circumstances"  for the assassination we had witnessed. The wounded man might  have booby-trapped himself as other "insurgents" had  done. After all, these marines had gone through hell in the last  week.

The reporting smacks of older  imperial wars, Andrew Greely reminded us in the November 12,  Chicago Sun Times. "The United States has fought unjust  wars before -- Mexican American, the Indian Wars, Spanish American,  the Filipino Insurrection, Vietnam. Our hands are not clean.  They are covered with blood, and there'll be more blood this  time." Falluja should serve as the symbol of this war of  atrocity against the Iraqi people, our Guernica. But, as comedian  Chris Rock insightfully points out, George W. Bush has distracted  us. That's why he killed Laci Peterson, why he snuck that young  boy into Michael Jackson's bedroom and the young woman into Kobe Bryant's hotel room. He wants us not to think of the war in Iraq.  We need a new Picasso mural, "Falluja," to help citizens  focus on the themes of our time, not the travails of the Peterson  case. The Bush Administration sensed the danger of such a painting. Shortly before Colin Powell's February 5, 2003 UN Security Council  fraudulent, power point presentation, where he made the case  for invading Iraq, UN officials, at US request, placed a curtain  over a tapestry of Picasso's Guernica, located at the entrance  to the Security Council chambers. As a TV backdrop, the anti-war  mural would contradict the Secretary of State's case for war  in Iraq. Did the dead painter somehow know that his mural would foreshadow another Guernica, called Fallujah?

Saul Landau is the Director of Digital Media and International Outreach Programs for the College of Letters, Arts  and Social Sciences. His new book is The Business of America.

http://www.counterpunch.org/landau11272004.html
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